Is South Africa doomed to stagnant politics?
In 2012 the African National Congress (ANC) celebrates its centenary, a hundred years of, eventually triumphant, struggle that commenced in a small Church in Free State province. The ANC will have another celebration this year; that of eighteen years of dominance and rule over post-apartheid South Africa. This figure is symbolic as it means for the first time, South Africa will have people of voting age who have known nothing but ANC, a matter especially crucial in the ‘African’ communities, where children will be raised with the legend of the fight against apartheid, and heroes such as Nelson Mandela and his ANC. Can such a generation be expected to view this party with the objective eye of a normal voter?
Since 1994 and the first free elections, the ANC has maintained a majority of around two thirds in the National Assembly and consequently every post-apartheid president has belonged to their party. The two thirds figure is important in South African politics as it allows the governing party to alter the constitution, a significant ability, if only by virtue of the dominance this denotes. This established dominance raises the spectre of stagnant politics when one looks at the election reports from the period: since being legitimized the ANC has held somewhat of a monopoly over the ‘African’ vote maintaining a vote share in the general election of between 62.7% (1994) and 69.7% (2004). These numbers become significant when you consider two other statistics; the percentage of the South African population described as African has been around 80% and voting turnout of registered voters has been between 76.7% (2004) and 87.9% (1999), multiplying these two statistics together to give us a rough estimate of the African turnout returns a range between 61.3% and 70.3% which is remarkably close to the range in ANC vote share over the same time period. This potential coincidence is backed up by the similar correlation between white turnout and vote share of the former apartheid parties that make up the majority of remaining votes.
Now I am not suggesting anything sinister in this observation; merely that a monopoly seems to be held over the African community’s vote. I suggest this is due to the fact that after the hate and oppression of Apartheid and the joy of its overthrow, which is mainly attributed to ANC members, the African community has taken the ANC to be part of their identity. In fact the only occasions when the ANC has lost significant votes to another black group (other than the Zulu nationalist party IFP, which attains around 90% of its total votes in the Kwazulu-Natal province)has been when a splinter of the ANC has stood, as in 1999 with the UDM and in 2009 with the Mbeki faction COPE.
This internalisation of a political group as part of an identity leads towards the stagnation of society, a situation where ideas become so accepted and widespread that they cease to be challenged. This is a danger John Stuart Mill warned about, claiming that one of the critical reasons for free speech and the encouragement of unconventional ideas, is to challenge our views; to keep pushing us onwards in development. In politics, the stagnation found when a party can rely on a dominant vote removes many of the incentives for that party to toil in the interests of the people, as they are under no pressure to fight for votes. The controversial stance President Mbeki took on the AIDs problem in South Africa (essentially denying a crisis which has reportedly infected 1 in 10) was a worrying sign of this potential loss of touch with the ANC’s voters and aims. If South African politics does indeed stagnate, it is unlikely we will ever see the ANC push on with its aim of empowering the weakest in society, with anything like the determination evident in its great history of struggle against apartheid. The principles inherent in which, provide the emancipating positive-liberty view that is needed to help the majority of South Africans who still live in poverty, beset by a growing AIDS crisis. It may be that the split of the COPE faction will offer an acceptable alternative to some of the ANC voters, but until another party can present a legitimate challenge to the ANC, the marketplace of South African politics will be devoid of the competition needed to ensure that this fine organisation (or its opposition) sees 2012 as the beginning of a new century of struggle for liberation, rather than the end of an old one.
Ben Waistell is a second year politics and philosophy student at University College, Durham. He was a member of the youth parliament for a term when he was 15, during which time he chaired the transport committee. He has worked with the local council and on behalf of his local MP and spoken on transport, health issues and drug legalisation.


